Chris Van Hollen says he is not favored to beat Chuck Schumer. Fine. Nobody should confuse the odds of this challenge with its importance. Senate Democrats are about to hold at least 55 seats, an enormous majority by modern standards, and the first decision they make is who will spend it.
The Schumer camp has an argument, and it deserves a hearing. Democrats won big, and you don't fire the captain after a blowout. Leadership elections are secret ballots in which senators weigh favors, campaign money and personal loyalty, and Schumer has been raising and spreading that money around for years. A public fight could look like self-indulgence just as the party is winning.
But Schumer's strongest case is also his weakest. A midterm landslide against an unpopular president is not a verdict on the leader of the opposition caucus. It is a verdict on the president. Voters didn't send 55 Democrats to Washington to admire how carefully the caucus managed itself. They sent them to stop something and to fix something. The question is whether the man who has run the caucus through the last several years is the one to do it.
Remember how this went in March 2025, when Schumer helped push through a Republican stopgap spending bill after telling his own base that fighting would hand Trump more power. Many Democrats saw that as a leader treating the institution's comfort as the party's strategy. The backlash was loud and came from inside the house. Voters who wanted a fight watched their leader decide the fight was too risky, and they have not forgotten it.
That is the real argument for Van Hollen. He isn't a stranger to the Senate's rules or its clubby ways. He is an Appropriations Committee veteran who has been there since 2017, and that is what makes the challenge notable. When he flew to El Salvador to demand answers about Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a man deported in violation of a court order, he showed a senator willing to treat the rule of law as something to be defended and not merely invoked in a press release. That instinct, plus his stated focus on economic concerns and working people, is what a majority this size should want in a leader.
When Bernie Sanders says he won't support Schumer, some will shrug that he always says such things. But Sanders isn't alone in understanding that a caucus is in danger of mistaking a good election night for a governing philosophy. Several senators and senators-elect are reportedly still undecided. They should be. These are the people who will decide whether the next two years bring real oversight of the executive branch, real subpoenas, real hearings, and an agenda aimed at what households are paying for health care, housing and groceries, or whether we get a more polished version of the cautious posture that left Democrats looking powerless when they most needed to look otherwise.
Schumer says he welcomes a discussion about the caucus's direction. Good. Then he should accept that the discussion is the point. If he has the votes, he will win, and he will have won an argument and not just a headcount. A leader who cannot withstand a challenge from a loyal colleague who is not favored is a leader who should not be running a 55-seat majority in the first place.
Democrats have spent years saying the stakes are existential. A caucus that believes that should not pick its leader by seniority and habit. Let the vote be contested. Let senators say out loud what they want this majority to be. If Van Hollen loses, the winner will know exactly how many colleagues are watching. That is not disunity. It is accountability, and the party has been short of it.


