Michigan's voters have a legitimate question for this Senate race: why does everything cost so much, and who is making it worse? Mike Rogers spent much of the final debate making sure nobody would get a straight answer.
The answer was sitting on the stage. Rogers is a Trump-aligned Republican in a state whose economy depends on cars, and cars depend on a border that crosses Michigan's own supply chains. Parts cross between Michigan and Canada repeatedly before a vehicle is finished. Rogers himself conceded that tariffs have produced "mixed results" and questioned the Canada tariffs. That is a notable admission from a man who wants to serve as Trump's vote in the Senate. If the tariffs are hurting the state, the follow-up is obvious: will he vote against them, or just murmur about them at debates? He was never pressed hard enough to say.
Instead, we got the Muslim Brotherhood.
Rogers, a former House Intelligence chair, floated questions about Abdul El-Sayed's "security clearance eligibility," based on old social media posts and past material. El-Sayed denied any affiliation. He was born and raised in Michigan, is a physician who ran Detroit's health department, and is a Democratic nominee for the Senate. And he found himself explaining on a debate stage who raised him.
This is a familiar trick. Say a frightening word, cite an unnamed file, imply that the target knows more than he's telling. Then, when the target denies it, treat the denial as part of the story. Rogers did not need evidence of an affiliation. He needed Michigan voters to hear "Muslim," "Brotherhood" and "clearance" in the same breath. In a state with one of the largest Arab American communities in the country, that is not a neutral choice. It tells those neighbors what kind of scrutiny they can expect whenever they seek power.
Criticize El-Sayed's actual record, and there is plenty to argue over. Rogers is entitled to say Medicare for All is too far, or to hold him to old remarks about policing. Those are real debates. El-Sayed should meet them head-on rather than hope voters forget them. Democrats who fretted that he was "too left" for Michigan should note that the strongest case for his politics is the one Rogers keeps dodging: people are drowning in health care bills, rent and grocery receipts, and the party in power in Washington has answered with tariffs and tax cuts for people who do not shop at Meijer.
The tariff exchange is revealing, too. El-Sayed called broad tariffs a tax on working families but allowed that targeted duties could make sense. That is not a Twitter slogan. It is the position of someone who understands that industrial policy has to be aimed at specific threats, not sprayed across allies and adversaries alike. Rogers' call to restrict Chinese automakers building in the US is reasonable on its face. But it comes from a candidate who cannot say where his party's trade chaos ends.
The Left should be clear about what it wants from this race. We should not ask El-Sayed to be inoffensive, which is exactly what his opponents hope. We should ask him to keep dragging the conversation back to health care, prices, and who benefits from the status quo. And we should ask the rest of the Democratic Party, including those who stayed lukewarm during the primary, not to treat a smear against one of its own as someone else's problem. If the Brotherhood insinuation works here, it will be used again, against anyone with a name or a faith that makes some voters nervous.
Michigan decided the 2024 Senate race by a sliver. It could decide control of the chamber again. The state deserves a campaign about what its people are paying, not who someone's mother was.
How it may affect me
Michigan's auto industry moves parts across the Canadian border repeatedly during production, so tariffs on Canada can raise vehicle and repair prices and threaten jobs. This Senate seat could decide whether Congress limits or backs those tariffs, and it could influence health care legislation.


